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15 MAY 2010
Senator Arlen Specter We write with deep misgivings about the continuing deterioration in U.S. Iranian relations. We appreciate and affirm your past emphasis on diplomatic initiatives in the Middle East, including Iran and Syria In early 2008, for example, you stated: "Dialogue, even with our bitterest rivals, can garner positive results. At the height of the Cold War, President Ronald Reagan engaged Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev in Dialogue just weeks after branding the U. S. S. R. the 'Evil Empire'. If we are willing to negotiate with the Soviets, I believe we should also be willing to have open discussions with the Iranians." In your February 2, 2010 statement on Iran Sanctions you call for stronger sanctions against Iran because you judge that Iran has not responded positively to U. S. and international diplomatic initiatives. However, many Iran experts and people with long experience in Iran judge that increased sanctions will not force Iran to halt its nuclear energy program. Clearly, Iranians will unify against external pressures. We would like to believe that our two Pennsylvania Senators could give leadership to a peace building approach that would create a new power balance between Iran, Israel and the U.S. in the wider Middle East and a constructive geopolitical reality. Surely a superpower like the U. S., with enormous allied military assets in the region, should not need to act precipitously or preemptively on the basis of ambiguous intelligence. You will readily agree that diplomatic efforts have been very modest compared to the 30 years of hostility between our governments. The limited low level talks have been very timid compared to the military and even nuclear threats put forward regularly by Israel and U. S. spokespersons, including President Obama and Secretary Clinton. It is not surprising that Iran too would respond with volatile threats, even far beyond Iran's capacity. We believe that the current U. S. approach to Iran focuses too narrowly on nuclear issues. We join those analysts who urge Iran's "regional integration" through engagement on substance of mutual economic and political regional interest. Israeli leadership and AIPAC claim that Iran poses an "existential threat." An "existential threat" from Iran is hardly conceivable, given the enormous military disparities of Israel and the U. S. on the one hand and Iran on the other. Surely American policy makers can find ways of working through the morass of threats and counter threats of all parties concerned. The threats of U. S., Israel and Iran are all very destructive. U. S. policy says no options are off the table, and in the language of President Obama and Secretary Clinton that includes the nuclear option. The more militant U. S. and Israel's rhetoric, the less secure Israel and Iran will be and the less secure U. S. interests. We deplore the extremist rhetoric of Iran and the U. S. So long as Iranian leadership denies any and all nuclear weapon development there is every reason for the U.S. and the U. N. to take every risk for a broadly based constructive engagement with Iran, that focuses on shared interests, with the distinguished help of the IAEA. The attached statement was presented to Senator Bob Casey's staff on April 1, 2010. Sincerely,
6 APR 2010 LIPW Calls on Senator Casey to Reassess His Position on Iran Lancaster Interchurch Peace Witness (LIPW) is calling on Senator Bob Casey to reconsider his support for "crippling sanctions" against Iran. A delegation of LIPW members met with Damian Murphy, the senator's foreign policy aide, for over an hour via video conference April 1st and voiced disagreement with the push for more punitive sanctions against Iran. "Sanctions have never worked any place where they've been tried," said LIPW member Bob Steiner, born in Iran and former State Department official there. "Sanctions won't work in this case either. They will be circumvented, just as they always are. But they will convince the Iranian people we mean them harm, and they will make an outbreak of war more likely." The written LIPW statement on U.S-Iran relations, as delivered to Casey's staff, is below. Already in 2007, during his first year in the U.S. Senate, Casey began calling for harsh sanctions against Iran. During the current session of Congress, he and Senator Sam Brownback co-authored legislation to that effect. This past January, Casey joined eight other senators in a letter to President Obama calling it "imperative" that "crippling sanctions" be put into place because the Iranian government had failed to make serious concessions by the end of 2009. Murphy described Senator Casey as "a forceful advocate of the pressure track," including more severe sanctions. Concern about Iran developing a nuclear weapon is driving the Senator's concern, said Murphy. Ed Martin, LIPW member who has visited Iran 25 times over the past nineteen years, described how Iranians view the current situation. "There is a long history of grievances on both sides. During the most recent thirty year period, there has been virtually no contact between the two governments. Iran has been cut off diplomatically and has been under economic sanctions since the '90s. It is surrounded by nuclear powers – Pakistan, India and Israel – and by the U.S. military across its western border in Iraq, across its eastern border in Afghanistan, and in the seas off its southern coast. It is frequently the target of military threats from the U.S. and Israel." Under such difficult circumstances, Martin said, it is not honest to declare after only a few months that diplomacy has failed. "There was a very productive meeting last September between the U.S. and Iranian representatives about the handling of enriched uranium. Since then, some areas of disagreement have emerged but that is typical in circumstances such as these. It will be most productive for both sides if we pursue comprehensive negotiations that address the full range of issues and not focus exclusively on Iran's nuclear technology." LIPW members Urbane Peachey and David Johnson, each of whom lived and worked in the Middle East for many years, expressed concern about the voices Casey is listening to on U.S.-Iran relations. "We know there are interests within and around our government that would welcome military action," said Peachey. Johnson expressed concern that Israel's government is pushing the U.S. toward a more aggressive policy, much as it did prior to the invasion of Iraq. "It's a distraction that keeps the focus off the fundamental problem of Palestine and Israel's occupation of Palestinian land." "In relation to Iran, we see our government headed down the same road that led to the invasion of Iraq," said LIPW member Berry Friesen. "That's why we are here – to ask Senator Casey to stop leading us down that road and to help us find a path to peace." Murphy thanked the group for its perspectives and said he wanted to continue the dialogue in the future. "It is not often we hear from individuals such as yourselves who have direct experience in that critical part of the world. As you identify others who can speak from experience about this, please put them in contact with me." The LIPW representatives promised to do that.
1 APR 2010 Statement of Lancaster Interchurch Peace Witness on U.S.-Iran Relations On January 29, 2010, Senator Casey's office reported that "Senator Casey Applauds Passage of Iran Sanctions Bill." We call on Senator Casey, as Chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Near Eastern and South and Central Asian Affairs, to support comprehensive multilateral negotiations with Iran that would include rather than isolate Iran in the Middle East community. The Obama Administration pledged to sit down with Iran without preconditions to negotiate the differences between our nations. The President's two Nowruz statements to the Iranian government and people, as well as his Cairo speech to the Islamic world were good starts. The P5+1 meeting with Iran over the nuclear issue also was a positive step forward. To say diplomatic efforts have now been exhausted is surely unfounded. We ask for more substantial engagement than these several limited initiatives. We believe that the current U. S. agenda with Iran is focused too narrowly on nuclear issues. We join those analysts who urge Iran's "regional integration through dialogue and engagement." The tightening of sanctions – as called for in the Senate bill supported by Senator Casey – would only heighten tensions and make more likely the possibility of military incidents or attacks. We ask Senator Casey to reassess his position in support of sanctions. We do not concur that Iran poses a threat to the United States or to Israel and we call on Senator Casey to support a more comprehensive and conciliatory policy toward Iran. Missed Opportunities During these 30+ years without diplomatic relations, there have been many missed opportunities.
The Nuclear Issue Iran is an original signatory of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and is entitled to development of nuclear technology for civilian energy needs. It is the country most closely monitored by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which has repeatedly confirmed there has been no diversion of nuclear resources from civilian to military purposes. Yet leading officials of the Obama Administration and leading members of Congress, urged on by Israel and by AIPAC, continue to demonstrate hostility toward Iran by inaccurately describing its civilian nuclear program as a threat to the world.
Common Interests Iran and the U.S. share many common interests: good relations with Arab States; stable and independent governments in Afghanistan and Iraq; open trade; the denial of a safe haven in that part of the world for terrorist groups fomenting violence; and a reduction of drug trafficking. Negotiation can lead to the achievement of these shared interests and a secure future for all. Long-standing and unresolved grievances also stand between our two nations. War would not resolve those grievances; it would only multiply the suffering, deepen the suspicion, and prolong the enmity. "There is another way, one far more likely to succeed: Open the door to direct, unconditional and comprehensive negotiations at the senior diplomatic level where personal contacts can be developed, intentions tested, and possibilities explored on both sides." This was the November 2008 recommendation contained in the Joint Experts' Statement On Iran. A similar theme was sounded in 2006 by the bipartisan Iraq Study Group, headed by Howard Baker and Lee Hamilton. It recommended that the U.S. recognize the important influence that Iran has in Iraq and cooperate with Iran in working toward the transition to an independent, stable Iraq. Moreover, normalization of diplomatic relations with Iran would serve to strengthen the pro-democracy groups within Iran. The Iranian people have many good reasons to regard the U.S. with suspicion and will unite around opposition to U.S. actions perceived to be interference. This suspicion will be heightened by the tightening of sanctions but can be overcome by good faith, bilateral negotiations. Request It is urgent that leadership for peaceful resolution of our differences with Iran be exercised now. Momentum for an escalation of hostilities is building, much as it did in the months prior to the U.S. invasion of Iraq. We see this in the many distortions routinely voiced by U.S. political leaders and reported by the U.S. media. This momentum is supported by interests that would profit from another costly Middle East war. Meanwhile, tensions within Iran are increasing, driven in part by threats from Israel and the U.S. and also by terrorist groups operating within that society, reportedly with U.S. funding. To repeat, we support comprehensive negotiations with Iran with the intention of reestablishing normal diplomatic relations. We ask Senator Casey as Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Near Eastern and South and Central Asian Affairs to provide leadership in the Senate toward this end. (For more information contact Urbane Peachey, LIPW Program Committee Chair.)
8 OCT 2009 Dear President Obama: I was overwhelmed by the long term burdens of the people affected by the civil war. I learned from hurting people, who want the war to end and such money from the U.S. to Colombia to end now. U.S. military money only prolongs the long war under the direction of President Uribe who, they feel, is continuing war in order to continue receiving international money for it. He won elections on the promise to improve military fighting during his terms in office. Recently he was in Washington asking for more money for war, and advertising for tourist to come to beautiful and safe Colombia. Note the contradiction between the two purposes of his visit. The following is what I recorded into writing as I visited Presbyterian churches for four weeks in Urabá region in Colombia in May, 2009:
From my visit in Medellin, I recorded into writing the following:
Forever past, money there has also been money from illegal drug businesses getting into hands of the Colombia military. All four military groups are using drug moneys. And, there is U.S. Aid money implicitly subsidizing drug traffickers and also cultivating stolen land for international businesses. Sherwood Ross, reporter, wrote in the June 15th issue of The Nation magazine,"Brig. Gen. Pauxelino Latorre has been charged "with laundering millions of dollars for a paramilitary drug ring, and prosecutors say they are looking into his activities as head of the Seventeenth Brigade," investigative journalist Teo Ballve reports. He notes that criminal probes repeatedly linked his unit "to illegal paramilitary groups that had brutally killed thousands" of Colombian farmers in an effort to seize their land for palm oil production. "Another general, Rito Alejo Del Rio, former 17th Brigade leader, is in jail on charges of collaborating with paramilitaries, gangs that have been responsible for widespread atrocities. "Various firms currently engaged in palm oil development since 2002 apparently have received $75 million in U.S. Agency for International Development money under "Plan Colombia," Ballve writes. And some of the firms appear to be tied to narco-traffickers, "in possible violation of federal law." The writer notes Colombia's paramilitaries are on the State Department's list of foreign "terrorist" organizations. 'Plan Colombia' is fighting against drugs militarily at the same time it gives money to support palm, which is used by paramilitary mafias to launder money," The Nation quotes Colombian Senator Gustavo Petro, as saying. "The United States is implicitly subsidizing drug traffickers." "Oil palm, or African palm, is one of the few aid-funded crops whose profits can match coca profits," Ballve notes. But human rights groups have long accused palm companies, notably Urapalma, of cultivating stolen lands, he adds. "Senator Patrick Leahy has attached an amendment to this year's Plan Colombia funding (for 2010) to ban palm projects that "cause the forced displacement of local people" but in the bill's current draft, Ballve says, Leahy's amendment is marked for deletion. "Urapalma submitted a grant application to the Bogota, Colombia, offices of ARD Inc., a rural development contractor based in Burlington, Vt., which The Nation reports does business in 43 countries and has received $330 million in revenue from USAID. In January, 2003, ARD began administering $41.5 million for USAID's Colombia Agribusiness Partnership Program and Urapalma was one of its beneficiaries. Urapalma has been accused of taking land illegally from Colombian peasants. In July, 2003, just before Urapalma's USAID application, Colombia's national daily El Tiempo reported that "the African palm projects in the southern banana region of Uraba are dripping with blood, misery, and corruption." The region is where Urapalma is active. The Nation article goes on to report that in 2003, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights singled out Urapalma for collusion with paramilitaries in these words: "Since 2001, the company Urapalma SA has initiated cultivation of the oil palm on approximately 1,500 hectares of the collective land of these communities, with the help of 'the perimetric and concentric armed protection of the Army's Seventeenth Brigade and armed civilians'", i.e., paras. The people in Colombia repeated their concerns about the military involvement with illegal drug money business. Furthermore, they told about their opposition to the U.S. fumigation program. A joint fumigation verification mission in Colombia's Putumayo and Guaviare provinces took first-hand testimony and video documentation of the effects of fumigation on the ground. It was reported to the U.S. Congress. And in April, three courageous Colombian leaders from these provinces spoke to Administration officials and Congressional leaders. They were Nancy Sanchez, a human rights defender from Putumayo, Pedro Arenas, the mayor of the capital city of Guaviare and a former member of Congress, and Manuel Riofrio, a peppercorn farmer whose legal crops have been fumigated multiple times. They argued that U.S. taxpayer money should no longer be wasted by funding fumigations. All of them called for an end to U.S. support for this ineffective and inhumane policy. The people know that there is still as much coca leaf available in Colombia as when this fumigation program began years ago. It is not working in stemming the tide of cocaine to the U.S.A. Many asked me to stop demand by the U.S. consumers. Many told me to spend government money to lower the demand of users in the states. I hope the Obama administration will work hard to stop the USA consumption of illegal drugs by reducing the consumers in our country. It needs to work to prevent and cure illegal drug user in the USA. The eradication of the Colombian coca leaf (a U.S. military idea of the Southern Command, not by any Colombian) is immoral. Coca leaf in South America is for tea and chewing during some centuries, and it is not narcotic. Coca leaf is chewed now legally in Bolivia and is still made into a tea in Peruvian highlands. Cocaine must be manufactured. Now in USA cocaine is cheaper than when eradication began in Colombia. Supply is the same and USA users are into more narcotic prescription drugs, etc., that may be slowing cocaine demand. Even if there is little cocaine supply, the drugs of choice will change and keep the USA drug problem unsolved. Also, stop Colombian fumigation and its harming of communities and their citizens with sickness and damaged land and water. No money from U.S. for drug eradication, that never will make a change in the U.S. addiction problem; but such money should be used in U.S. for prevention and rehabilitation of addicts This week Republican Representative Joseph Pitts in my Pennsylvania 16th District discussed with me the content of this letter, and he asked me to write to you so that you will have a new Colombian policy that can end war, make peace and do wise spending. This writing has also been sent to Secretary of State Hilary Clinton. I expect your reply, concerns and questions in my mail. Thanks. Sincerely,
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